Jacques Delors Quotes

The problem with a purely collective system is not only that it requires economic growth, and the right sort of demographic trends, but that it prevents people thinking about their futures in a responsible way.

...within ten years 80% of our economic legislation, perhaps even fiscal and social as well' would come from the EU.

We will have to create an avant-garde.... We could have a Union for the enlarged Europe, and a Federation for the avant-garde.

The problem of how we finance the welfare state should not obscure a separate issue: if each person thinks he has an inalienable right to welfare, no matter what happens to the world, that's not equity, it's just creating a society where you can't ask anything of people.

The European model is in danger if we obliterate the principle of personal responsibility.

The European model is, first, a social and economic system founded on the role of the market, for no computer in the world can process information better than the market.

This weakening is worsened by the widening distance between the governed and their governments.

The unions may continue to decline, but if they do, it'll be their fault.

I cannot resign myself to the decline of Europe, and of France.

For me, socialism has always been about liberty and solidarity, but also about responsibility.

Cinema explains American society. It's like a Western, with good guys and bad guys, where the weak don't have a place.

The driving force behind the liberal counter-offensive in Europe has been a reaction against irresponsibility.

Therefore one should speak at the same time of national citizenship and wider European citizenship.

My problem is how to find the best way of being useful.

My objective is that before the end of the millennium Europe should have a true federation. The Commission should become a political executive which can define essential common interests... responsible before the European Parliament and before the nation-states represented how you will, by the European Council or by a second chamber of national parliaments.

This desire for equity must not lead to an excess of welfare, where nobody is responsible for anything.

Even in Britain, the trade unions tell me that employment contracts have less protection than in the past.

I would not be opposed to devising a new system of pensions, in which one part was based on collective provision, but which also gave incentives for people to take out an additional, personal plan.

If you don't have collective agreements between unions and employers, governments have to legislate more.

We have to struggle against the conservatives from all sides, not only the right-wingers, but also the left-wing conservatives who don't want to change anything.

These days there are not enough of such intermediary groups, between the state and the individual, with the result that political leaders are often unduly guided by opinion polls.

My presidential victory, if it had happened, would have been artificial in relation to the Socialist party. It may be that on my deathbed, I will come to regret my decision, but for the moment, I live at peace with it.

The unions still have a job to do, representing their members' interests to governments and parliaments. And I think collective agreements still have a role, alongside markets and laws.

Yes, the European model remains superior to that of America and Japan.

Any union that can't accept workers choosing their own representatives through universal franchise is finished.

Fundamentally, American society is composed of individuals who don't go out of their way to do each other favours.

Contrary to what people say, my wife never turned me away from the presidency. She told me to reflect on it and do what I wanted.